The National Science Foundation has just published a report which found
evidence "that female scientists and engineers are less successful
than their male counterparts in traveling along the academic career
path." The statistical analysis examined four "critical outcomes"
in arriving at this conclusion: "tenure-track placement, earning
tenure, promotion to the rank of associate professor, and promotion
to the rank of full professor."
This 173-page report, "Gender Differences in the Careers of Academic
Scientists and Engineers," was written by the Division of Science
Resources Statistics of NSF's Directorate for Social, Behavioral, and
Economic Sciences. Dated June 2004, the report is available at http://www.nsf.gov/sbe/srs/nsf04323/pdfstart.htm
Over 100 pages of this report consist of detailed statistical tables,
obtained from the Survey of Doctorate Recipients, a survey made every
two years of only those individuals receiving science and engineering
doctorates in the United States. The survey includes information on
the recipient's degree, career outcome, and a range of personal characteristics.
By analyzing this data, it was possible to "test hypotheses about
whether being married or having children affects the careers of women
and men differently." Note that the analysis was made only of doctorate
recipients in academic positions.
Selections from the report's findings follow:
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS:
"We find evidence that female scientists and engineers are less
successful than their male counterparts in traveling along the academic
career path. Some of this disparity appears to be related to differences
between the sexes in the influence of family characteristics. Typically,
married women and women with children are less successful than men who
are married and have children. Our estimates of gender differences in
success rates are relatively insensitive to characteristics of academic
employers and to primary work activity."
TENURE-TRACK PLACEMENT:
"After accounting for controls, women with eight or nine years
of postdoctoral experience who are employed full-time in academia are
about 3.3 percentage points less likely than men to be employed in tenure-track
positions. The comparable estimate for women with 14 or 15 years of
experience is about 4.5 percentage points. If we allow for gender differences
in the influence of family characteristics, gender differences in tenure-track
placements are statistically insignificant. Our estimates suggest that
being married or having children reduces women's chances to be employed
in tenure-track positions relative to men who are married or have children."
TENURE:
"After accounting for controls, women with eight or nine years
of postdoctoral experience who are employed full time in academia are
about 6.9 percentage points less likely than men to be tenured. The
comparable estimate for women with 14 or 15 years of experience is about
8.5 percentage points. When we restrict our analysis to tenure-track
positions only, women with eight or nine years of postdoctoral experience
are about 5.9 percentage points less likely than men to be tenured.
The comparable estimate for women with 14 or 15 years of experience
is about 4.1 percentage points.
"Our analysis suggests that women's chances for earning tenure
are related to the influence of family characteristics. In most of the
models we estimated, gender differences in tenure rates are statistically
insignificant when we allow for gender differences in the influence
of family characteristics. Having young children later in their careers
is positively related to women's chances for earning tenure. We interpret
this as indirect evidence suggesting that women who do not have children
early in their careers increase their chances for earning tenure."
ACADEMIC RANK:
"Our Phase I analysis examined the likelihood that individuals
will be employed in any one of three different academic ranks - junior
ranks, rank of associate professor, and rank of full professor - at
specific points in their postdoctoral careers. We found that, after
accounting for controls, women with 14 or 15 years of postdoctoral experience
who are employed full-time in academia are about 8 percentage points
more likely than men to be employed in junior ranks. The estimate for
women with 20 or 21 years of postdoctoral experience is similar. After
accounting for controls, women with 14 or 15 years of postdoctoral experience
who are employed full-time in academia are almost 14 percentage points
less likely than men to be employed at the rank of full professor. The
comparable estimate for women with 20 or 21 years of postdoctoral experience
is similar. Our analysis suggests some of the gender differences in
academic rank are related to differential influences of family characteristics.
For example, if we allow for gender differences in the influence of
family variables, the relative difference in employment at the full-professor
rank for full-time academicians with 20 or 21 years of postdoctoral
experience falls to about 7 percentage points, but it remains statistically
significant.
Gender differences in academic rank decline if we exclude from our samples
doctorate recipients who reported employment in nontenure-track positions.
This finding is consistent with our Phase I tenure analysis, which shows
that women are more likely than men to be employed in these positions.
"The Phase II rank analysis estimated differences between women
and men in the likelihood of doctorate recipients holding either the
associate- or full-professor rank at any given time in their postdoctoral
careers. Most of our Phase II findings are consistent with the results
of our Phase I rank analysis. The Phase II rank analysis indicates that,
after accounting for controls, women are less likely than men to be
promoted to senior ranks. We also find that after allowing for gender
differences in the influence of family characteristics, gender differences
in promotions to the full-professor rank are statistically insignificant.
We are concerned, however, that the data we used in our Phase II analysis
overstate the relative amount of time it takes men to earn promotions,
causing us to understate gender differences in promotion rates in the
Phase II analyses."
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