
In a fiery floor speech, Murkowski accused the House of ignoring the Senate’s good-faith efforts to reach a final compromise on the sweeping energy policy reform bill.
(Image credit – C-SPAN)
A two-year effort to extensively revise U.S. energy policy for the first time in a decade broke down in the waning days of the 114th Congress, though the reasons why remain unclear. The bill would have updated policies underpinning various programs and activities of the Departments of Energy and Interior, and it contained numerous provisions on subjects such as energy R&D, energy infrastructure and supply, natural resources development, and conservation.
In September, the two chambers convened a conference committee
Ultimately, members of the House asserted that time ran out to finish the legislation, but some senators claimed that the chambers had been on the cusp of reaching a final compromise. In a speech
In a fiery floor speech, Murkowski accused the House of ignoring the Senate’s good-faith efforts to reach a final compromise on the sweeping energy policy reform bill.
(Image credit – C-SPAN)
She lamented in particular that Congress’s considerable investment of time and painstaking effort had come to nothing, remarking:
The chairmen and the ranking members of the committees of jurisdiction, whether it is here in the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee, the House Natural Resources Committee, the House Science Committee, the House Energy and Natural Resources Committee—we have been meeting to resolve our differences. Again, staff has been working around the clock. Just this weekend, we went through hundreds of pages to close out all of the issues. Again, we did it by the book. We did what we were supposed to be doing. We were the team players here. We adhered to the regular order process.
Senator Cantwell said we were doing the ‘normal’ process. But I think what we are doing now is extraordinary. It is not normal—because it seems that, if there is guerilla warfare that is going on, that seems to be the way to move a bill nowadays. That does not send a very powerful message nor set a good example for how to advance a consensus measure such as we have with the Energy bill.
Notably, the House’s amendment to the Senate bill included all of the DOE-specific provisions from the House’s controversial “America COMPETES Reauthorization Act of 2015
Among its controversial provisions, the House bill would have significantly reduced the authorized funding levels for the Office of Science’s Biological and Environmental Research Program, the Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy, and the Advanced Research Projects Agency–Energy. The bill also would have placed certain restrictions on climate research funded by DOE and would have prevented research funded by DOE’s Office of Fossil Energy from being used in regulatory assessments. In contrast, the Senate bill authorized top-line funding increases for the Office of Science and ARPA-E and did not place any such restrictions on DOE research.
The chart below shows the top-line authorizations and appropriations for the Office of Science from these and previous bills.
Solid lines indicate amounts enacted into law. Purple represents bipartisan bills, red Republican bills, and blue Democratic bills.
The House Science Committee’s report
Congress may make another attempt at major energy policy reform in the 115th Congress, which convened on Jan. 3 and runs until January 2019. However, the effort would likely not begin for some time since Congress will likely first focus on dismantling the Affordable Care Act, confirming President-elect Donald Trump’s cabinet appointees, finalizing spending legislation for fiscal year 2017, and crafting new appropriations bills for fiscal year 2018, among other priorities.
With the change in presidential administration, the energy policy package could be up for major renegotiation. Nevertheless, any bill will still have to make it through the Senate, where the Republicans have only a slim majority of 52 members, down from 54 in the previous Congress.
Proposals for more extensive changes to the Department of Energy have begun to surface, although there is no indication yet of whether they will gain traction in Congress or the Trump administration. One example is a white paper
In the document, Cramer claims that “U.S. R&D policy is broken” and recommends giving the national laboratories more flexibility and potentially reorganizing DOE’s four applied research offices into as few as three outcome-oriented offices: Power and Grid, Transport and Fuels, and Energy Efficiency Technologies. “Reorganizing the DOE will also allow the Department to get back to basics – providing funding and program goals, instead of micromanaging national labs with mandates and overreach,” he concludes.
The ultimate shape of energy policy under the Trump administration will doubtless be forged over the course of many developments to come.