Since first grabbing headlines in 1954, the revocation of Robert Oppenheimer’s security clearance has remained by far the best-known case of a physicist subjected to the anti-communist fervor of the Red Scare. Though a relatively low-stakes affair in itself, the episode was regarded from the beginning as emblematic of the political dangers physicists courted as they embraced their newly elite status in Cold War America.
Among the accusations that Oppenheimer faced concerning his security reliability, one of the more unusual—and seldom discussed—is that he was susceptible to “coercion.” A key piece of evidence the security review board cited
Oppenheimer’s undermining of Bernard Peters
Peters was a Polish Jew who was born in 1910 in the German Empire. An anti-Nazi activist, he was held for a few months at the Dachau concentration camp and soon escaped to the United States, where he eventually became one of Oppenheimer’s graduate students at Berkeley. He received his PhD in 1942 and after World War II found a faculty position at the University of Rochester.
Oppenheimer’s treatment of Peters is detailed in Sam Schweber’s In the Shadow of the Bomb
Peters himself appeared privately before HUAC the following day and, in an uneventful hearing, denied having ever been a member of the Communist Party in Europe or the US. Although Oppenheimer’s testimony was supposedly confidential, quotes were quickly leaked to the Rochester Times-Union. Distraught at the prospect of losing his job, Peters sought counsel among allies, including Condon, at a symposium on cosmic rays held a couple weeks later in Idaho Springs, Colorado.
Edward Condon’s sympathy and revulsion
Since late 1945, Condon had been director of the National Bureau of Standards (NBS) in Washington, DC. Although his politics were unremarkably liberal, in March 1948 HUAC released a report that sought to tar him as “one of the weakest links in our atomic security,” making insinuations about his advocacy for American–Soviet scientific exchange and other supposedly suspicious “associations.”
The report stoked extensive press coverage, but Condon received strong support from the scientific community, and, with no substantial allegations leveled against him, he remained in his role, albeit under a cloud. Soon after, as younger, more vulnerable scientists were called to Washington to testify, Condon took it on himself to invite them to his residence on the NBS campus to offer advice, lodging, and hospitality. Peters, Bohm, and other students of Oppenheimer were among those guests.
Condon was thus enraged by Oppenheimer’s reported disparagement of Peters and sent him a letter directly from Idaho Springs. He wrote, “I have lost a good deal of sleep trying to figure out how you could have talked this way about a man whom you have known so long and of whom you know so well what a good physicist and good citizen he is. One is tempted to feel that you are so foolish as to think you can buy immunity for yourself by turning informer. … You know very well that once these people decide to go into your own dossier and make it public that it will make the ‘revelations’ that have been made so far look pretty tame.”
In addition, Condon wrote to his wife Emilie back in Washington, speculating that Oppenheimer’s testimony was evidence of a mental breakdown. He worried the situation could have implications for national policy, writing, “If he cracks up it will certainly be a great tragedy. I only hope that he does not drag down too many others with him.” He asked Emilie to conceal the letter “so that it cannot be picked up if the FBI should take to snooping around our house.”
Condon assumed that he remained under scrutiny after his HUAC ordeal. He also understood the explosiveness of his assertions about the mental state and hidden vulnerabilities of Oppenheimer, who was still in good public standing as a high-level government adviser.
Oppenheimer recants
Condon was not the only one to prevail on Oppenheimer. Peters and Oppenheimer’s brother Frank—himself a physicist and target of anti-communism—confronted him in person. Oppenheimer also received letters from the prominent physicists Hans Bethe and Victor Weisskopf, who knew him well and urged him to set things right.
Robert Marshak, another Rochester physicist, told AIP’s Charles Weiner in a 1970 interview
Oppenheimer wrote a letter to the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle that was published on July 6. In it, he attested to Peters’s loyalty but persisted in stating that Peters had “participated in the Communist movement in Germany,” while allowing that he denied being a party member. Oppenheiner neglected to note that Peters’s politics in that period were built around resistance to Nazism. He also reflected more broadly, “Political opinion, no matter how radical or how freely expressed, does not disqualify a scientist for a high career in science; it does not disqualify him as a teacher of science; it does not impugn his integrity nor his honor.”
Notwithstanding such pieties, Oppenheimer’s brother and many of his former students lost their jobs in physics in this period and struggled to find new ones, including Bohm, Rossi Lomanitz, Joseph Weinberg, and Melba Phillips. For Peters’s part, while his university retained and soon promoted him, he experienced frustrations gaining State Department permission to travel abroad, which was important for his work on cosmic rays. In 1951, he accepted a position at the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research in India, working with Homi Bhabha. He then moved to Niels Bohr’s institute in Denmark in 1959 and finished his career as director of the Danish Space Research Institute.
A forgotten bomb explodes
On April 16, 1954, the New York Times carried the latest bombshell headline
In a 1973 interview
Condon’s FBI file
In the hearing, the review board sought
The Peters episode was ultimately peripheral to why Oppenheimer lost his clearance, but it was quite typical of how the Red Scare could twist allegiances into knots. Condon told Weiner, “I think what happened, as he saw things happening to me and to his students, he became kind of a frightened man. … I had the great advantage that the axe fell very quickly and I could start praying, but he lived for years in suspense of thinking they might go after him any time. And finally they did.”
Further reading and resources
For more on the Red Scare in academia, see Ellen Schrecker, No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities
William Thomas
American Institute of Physics
wthomas@aip.org
Sign up to receive the Weekly Edition and other AIP newsletters by email here